Corresponding Author: Noviani Mariyatul Hakim
Email: [email protected]
INTRODUCTION
Diachronically, discussions about diseases and their management during the
colonial period can be found in specific periods. For example, they are related
to medicine, the causes of diseases, the development of specific diseases, and
the provision of facilities and infrastructure. However, the availability of
historical health literature in colonial Dutch East Indies is very limited,
especially regarding specific regions like Surabaya. At least one book and an
article served as references for the author in this research, namely the book
by Von Faber titled Nieuw Soerabaia: De Geschiedenis van India's Eerste
Koopstad in the Eerste Kwarteeuw Sedert hare Instelling 1906-1931 (Soerabaia:
N.V. Boekhandel en Drukkerij H. van Ingen). This work contains informative
writings about health that depict the condition of the city of Surabaya, along
with the habits of its people that may give rise to infectious diseases.
Additionally, there is an article written by Kurniarini, Dina Dwi, Ririn
Darini, and Ita Mutiara titled Pelayanan dan Sarana Kesehatan di Jawa Abad XX
(Health Services and Facilities in Java in the 20th Century), which provides
information on the efforts made by the colonial government in the field of
health.
Based on this, practical benefits can be obtained,
such as understanding the changes that have occurred over time in the field of
health, further advancing and progressing the study of the history of health in
the present and future. This is useful to avoid repeating past mistakes or
failures. For historians, knowing the history of health and diseases can reveal
many things. Through the examination of economic, social, cultural, and
habitual conditions of a society, one can observe how they influence the health
development of a population. As exemplified by one of Tillema's writings below,
"The unpleasant odor emanating from the sewer
made me look around, and it turned out that the water was contaminated with an
indescribable color. All kinds of filth and garbage had accumulated there,
becoming a breeding ground for germs."
This testimony was written by a pharmacist from the
Netherlands who had a significant influence in the field of health in the early
20th century. The writing tells of someone travelling and then
passing through the slums around Pandean and Djagalan. This view is seen
directly when residents are bathing in the open back area surrounded by woven bamboo along the side of the building. The life of
this community is a small group illustration of the great fact that the
Bumiputra live in inadequate housing and use polluted water for their daily
lives.
Departing from the conditions described above,
finally, at the beginning of the 20th century, the ranks of the Dutch
government carried out a breakthrough whose aim was to harmonize the order of
people's lives in a better direction, in terms of education, irrigation and
immigration. This movement was called ethical politics, or the politics of
reciprocation, because the Dutch felt indebted to their colonial lands, whose
natural wealth and population resources had been exploited. One of the
highlights of ethical politics is improving public health and infrastructure
for the Bumiputra community. However, in practice, it turned out that the
colonial government was more based on health services for Dutch East Indies
government employees, the military and government-owned companies at that time (Zulhaida & Zuhri,
2020).
The colonial government's concern for health began
with the desire to improve the welfare of its employees in order to produce
excellent performance (Lo et al., 2021). Later in their journey, they realized that providing
health services was not enough for Europeans alone but that the native people,
including environmental conditions, deserved attention. This was done to
prevent the transmission of diseases that continued to spread in the late 19th
to early 20th centuries due to the large number of urbanites who entered and
built slum buildings in Surabaya. The emergence of slum areas (slum areas) was
one of the causes of the emergence of disease, so the colonial government had
to take certain actions in health services and improving the environment of the
native people (Prayojana et al.,
2020). However, the issued policies often reap controversy
from the public because of injustice in their implementation.
This situation is also reflected in the division of
residential areas based on certain groups or ethnicities, which places the
native people at the bottom layer after the Dutch and Foreign East (Misbahuddin, 2021). Chinese, Malay and Arab settlements receive special
treatment to live across the Kalimas River, according to a predetermined
location. Unlike the case with the native people, the division (wijkenstelsel)
does not affect their residence because there are no specific rules for living
in certain areas (Anwari, nd). This segregation policy impacted the residences of
the native people, which eventually spread to many places and seemed
disorganized.
The native people have a very different life from
Europeans and Arabs. The European and Indo-European groups live in settlements
on the edge of the main road (Sari & Hendro,
2020). While the natives live behind the elite community
housing. Behind the splendour of the European residential buildings, the
mention of a native dwelling connotes a slum and messy village. The slum living
conditions are often associated with the backwardness of the natives, both
economically and socially (Patten et al., 2022). This situation can be seen in the picture below,
which shows the face of poverty from the native people.
Figure 1: Bumiputra community houses in Surabaya
Source: HF Tillema, Kromoblanda Deel II, Over 't
vraagstuk van 'het wonen' in Kromo's groote land
This form of poverty is expressed through houses built
sober and lean-like huts. Bamboo or wood is used as pillars, the roof is made
of thatch, and the fences are made of woven bamboo. They also do not have
proper drainage or sanitation, a major problem in the health sector (Wahyudin & Arifin,
2015). This scene with a roof made of old kerosene cans
does not only occur in Surabaya but also other parts of the Dutch East Indies.
This problem was exacerbated by the poor quality of the water produced 1917.
The government restricted water consumption so that some residents were forced
to consume water from unsanitary wells and eventually contracted malaria (Rachmawati &
Surtiari, 2016). Fortunately, the government soon overcame this
problem so that the deaths of people infected with malaria could be reduced.
However, the health condition of the native people, especially those living in
the lower cities, remains deplorable. This case of fever due to malaria cannot
be stopped except by administering quinine which is carried out by health
officers (Mawuntu, 2018).
The Civil Health Service sent paramedics to villages
to give quinine tablets directly to residents. The number of malaria sufferers
continues to increase until the death rate is higher. This was also described
in the newspaper de Locomotief; the emergence of this disease was unexpected
for doctors at the Health Service (BGD). According to Dr Terburgh (former
inspector of medical services), malaria occurs due to a changing condition,
such as a change in weather (Mardiana &
Musadad, 2012). For several months the death rate increased sharply
so that 7 to more people could die in a village within a week. This incident
happened to more than one village until the statement "People are dying
like rats in the villages" appeared.
The deplorable condition of the native people in
Surabaya is also visualized in the book. Migrant communities and residents who
have long lived in Surabaya also face the same problems in the residential area
(Basudoro, 2017). The construction of bumiputra houses is dominated by
bamboo or geek building materials, so this description is often associated with
the condition of the building, which is more suitable for cattle pens than
human houses. Low economic results and a lack of public and government
awareness worsen their quality of life. It then raises a new problem that
departs from unhealthy environmental conditions, namely the emergence of
disease.
An endemic disease that developed in Surabaya in the
early 20th century, besides malaria, was typhus. The cause is not a single
factor but a poor sanitation system and unhygienic food and beverage
processing, making typhus spread faster. Typhus strengthened again in Surabaya
when people consumed ice drinks from shippers who delivered ice. This delivery
process triggers the mixing of dust in the air with the ice carried by the
officers and causes bacteria in the ice. This ice's sawdust (zaagsel) is dried
on the road, mixed with dirt (mainly horse manure), and then swept up and used
to pack the ice. This unhygienic manufacture increases the risk of typhus.
Diseases that appear in Surabaya are inseparable from
the actions taken by residents, including people who are reluctant to make
health improvements to their environment. This happens because of a lack of
public awareness and the government's need for attention to the cleanliness of
the environment in Bumiputra homes (Rahmadani, 2020). This situation continued to trigger the development
of other types of diseases, such as what happened in 1910; the plague had
spread in Surabaya and claimed many victims, including 272 Europeans; China 874
people; natives, 7,548 people; Arab, 193 people and 19 people Foreign East. Bumiputras rank first in
Surabaya in high cases of bubonic plague. In the following two years, one
village area was affected by the bubonic plague like that experienced by
residents in Jalan Sasak. This is in line with the diseases that once plagued
Surabaya, namely cholera which occurred in 1875, 1883 to 1896, 1900 and 1902.
The diseases that emerged resulted from a lack of cleanliness and public
awareness of building a good lifestyle. The bites of mosquitoes, rats, fleas,
and polluted well water, which are still being used, have increased the risk of
death for the population. European people who feel sorry for the lives of native
people regret this situation because the disease can shorten human life (Basundoro,
2018).
The lack of handling by the government in the
environmental sector has made settlements increasingly slum and one of the main
causes of the emergence of bubonic plague (Siregar
& Darmawan, 2022). This situation made the
indigenous people restless because pinning their full hopes on the colonial
government was not a solution. Departing from a feeling of disappointment mixed
with anger and compassion for their people, finally, several native figures
took a firm stance to overcome this. The figures consisted of the aristocracy,
both those of aristocratic descent and educated figures. Their presence in
society is fresh air and new hope to realize the right to a decent life (Adinuhgra et
al., 2022). In a hygiene magazine, an article published by
Professor JG Sleeswijk. This paper discusses the two institutions formed by
native figures, namely Sarikat Islam and Indisch Partij. These two
organizations plan to spread their criticism through the media by occupying
columns in every newspaper. As
quoted by De Indische Courant:
Weet
gij wel, Nederlanders, dat er pesr heerscht op Java? Weet gij wel, dat de
epidemic zich uitbreidt, dat het aantal gevallen toeneemt? -Pest! Dat world
heeft zulk een onheilspellenden clank. z��veel gevalen, z��veel dooden. Men weet
nu al niet beter, of 't h��rt zoo. Aan wie de schuld? Natuurlijk, in gevallen
als deze is men spoedig geneigd naar zondebokken te zoeken.
Translation:
"Did you know, Dutch people, that there was
violence in Java? Did you know that the epidemic is spreading and the number of
cases is increasing? -dark death! The word has an unpleasant sound. So many
cases, so many deaths, People do not know any better now, or they should. -Who
is to blame? Of course, cases like this tend to look for scapegoats."
The quote above clearly targets government officials
who are more apathetic towards their colonial lands. Even though this epidemic
disease does not only claim victims from among the natives. Europeans who
interact with native people also contract this disease, although the number is
smaller. The village became deserted, and some were deliberately vacated due to
an epidemic outbreak that could not be prevented. Graphically, it can be seen
that from February 1911 to 1914, cases continued to increase, and the epidemic
gradually spread from the old center of Malang to other cities in East Java,
such as Surabaya. The cleaning service that was formed needed to provide
complete comfort for the people of Surabaya. This was reflected when rat
carcasses were found that died or were left on the road for a long time so that
they not only smelled but also spread disease viruses. Medical services are
also slowly handling the epidemic so that middle and lower-class people are
helpless in preventing and treating this disease. They hoped that
intermediaries such as the Sarikat Islam organization and other native-born
organizations could help convey the true situation to the colonial government
(De Nieuwe Courant, 3 March 1914, 62).
Organizations, as well as parties that often echoed
and gave harsh criticism of the colonial government in order to pay more
attention to native peoples, were Sarikat Islam and Indisch Partij. Even though
many organizations were established, at least the role was dominated by these
two institutions, which were simultaneously active in conveying criticism at
meetings and in print media (newspapers, magazines). Gradually, this movement
finally inspired people's hearts to rise and have the courage to channel their
aspirations. Every community struggles to get proper rights from entrepreneurs
and teachers, such as through the profession. These educated leaders then
realized that building awareness of healthy living required cooperation between
all levels, including by providing proper education so that people could be
wise in protecting their environment. Therefore, these two organizations became
accomplices of the community; in addition to achieving national independence,
they also developed education and teaching for natives.
This article is here to fill the void that occurred
and look for policies that the colonial government rolled out to control the
people of Surabaya. On the other hand, it is to make the public aware of
environmental health while at the same time looking at the policy from the
community's point of view. The right policy has become an effective weapon to
teach people a healthy lifestyle to avoid disease. Lastly, this research also
examines the role of educated nationalist figures who work personally or by
forming (mass) organizations in helping advance the native people from the side
of hygiene, education and religion.
METHODS
This research method is historical. The initial stage of
this research is data collection (source). This study uses a health history
approach with various sources in the form of contemporary newspapers,
photographs, archives, and sources obtained from the government. In addition,
there are also books, research journals, articles and other secondary sources
that support this writing. These sources were obtained from the National
Archives, the Republic of Indonesia Library, and the archives of the City of
Surabaya. Sources from official sites used include KITLV, digital collections,
and Delpher.net. The second stage is verification or source criticism. At
this stage, the writer sorts the data that has been collected to be processed
according to the topic to be written. Source verification is divided into two, namely
internal and external criticism. Internal criticism, in the form of criticism
of the credibility or reliability of sources obtained, must follow the news's
contents and can be accounted for. This external criticism is criticism of the
authenticity of the data obtained, such as ascertaining whether the
authenticity of the issued source matches the name listed in the source. The
third stage is analyzing data and facts by synchronizing the research to be
studied, such as finding news related to the truth of a local organization
formed by dr. Soetomo. The fourth stage is historiography (writing history)
which is the final result of the above research process to be put into written
form. According to Kuntowijoyo, the presentation of the writing results consists
of at least three parts: the introduction, research results and conclusions.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Integration
of environmental health improvements from the government and native
organizations
Initially, public health
services in the 19th century were still struggling with European medicine and
military personnel. Then this awareness was finally formed along with the
implementation of ethical politics at the beginning of the 20th century. The
impact of this political policy, in addition to education, irrigation, and
immigration, also affected
public health, one of which was proven by establishing the municipal hospital
(stadsverbenden). The Dutch colonial government began developing
smallpox vaccination as a preventive measure to combat infectious diseases. The
intensive implementation of this vaccination was carried out through the
establishment of medical health services that launched health campaigns to
fight diseases such as malaria, yaws, hookworms, and other epidemics (Neelakantan, 2017).
When Surabaya changed its status to gemeente, the management of Surabaya was regulated independently and had authority in managing its
territory. However, this development encountered obstacles due to a lack of
funds, especially from the central colonial government in Batavia. Therefore
the implementation of development in Surabaya during the early period of the
Gemeente government in 1906 tended to run slowly. One of the programs carried
out by the gemeente to survive in meeting the needs of its city is by
collecting taxes or paying rent which is charged to residents. This function
fills in cash income for joint development in Surabaya.
One way of this development is
represented by establishing a hospital with a concentration of gemeente for
public health services. The emergence of civil medical institutions was
massively built in three big cities in Java, namely Semarang, Batavia and
Surabaya. As the party with the highest authority, the colonial government
certainly did not do this alone. When the government made a subsidy law for
private hospitals in 1906, more and more private hospitals were established and
received subsidies. Several Bumiputra organizations also provide services to the general
public and receive subsidies from the government. One is the Muhammadiyah
Polyclinic, inaugurated in September 1924 and previously named PKU (Public et
al.). The Muhammadiyah Association provided health funding assistance to
Plaatselijk gezondheiddienst (Local et al.) to deal with various diseases that
appeared in Surabaya (Perwarta Surabaya, 26 November 1924). The following is a
portrait from the Muhammadiyah Polyclinic showing the native people, children
and adults, standing in front of the building's yard.
Figure 2. Muhammadiyah
Polyclinic
Source: Faber, GH von. 1993
Nieuw Soerabaia: De Geschiedenis van India's Eerste Koopstad In the Eerste
Kwarteeuw Sedert hare Instelling 1906-1931. Soerabaia: NV Boekhandel en
Drukkerij H. van Ingen, p. 292.
One of PKU's programs is establishing
a health centre with doctors from various ethnicities, such as dr. PHF
Neynhoff, dr. Soeratman, dr. Soerjatin, dr. JW Grootinags, dr. Heerjan, dr.
Djojohusodo and dr. Soetopo. The place where this building was built is also
close to native houses, such as during the initial construction on Jalan
Sidotopo, which then moved to the Pegirian area until they settled on Jalan KH
Mas Masnyur and became a hospital.
The development of the
polyclinic to become a Muhammadiyah hospital received support from the colonial
government. Besides that, there were also other hospitals owned by private and
government. As for them, the government-owned CBZ Simpang Hospital and private
hospitals such as William Both, RKZ St Vincentius a Paulo, and Darmo Hospital.
Even though Muslims owned the Muhammadiyah hospital, this did not make its top
officials behave conservatively towards the Dutch. As it happened, the presence
of foreign workers, Dutch doctors, could teach the practice of science and
modern health services; at that time, health facilities and access were still
limited to certain circles. In its development, this Islamic hospital has a
central role in improving the health and welfare of the population apart from
being a government-owned hospital. As reported in the newspaper with the
headline Polikliniek Mohamdyah:
"Itoe
policlinic, whose endeavour Dr Soetomo was diboeka on 15 September 1924, it was
evident that there were great benefits. Itoe poor hospital has a share
Vereeniging Mohamadyah. Afedeeling Soerabaia and it is located in
Sidodadie."
The annual report (Verlag)
shows that 50 people come for treatment daily. Most of them come from native
people, and not a few Chinese and Arab people come for treatment. This report
stated that most people who came lived in the northern area of Surabaya
(Perwarta Surabaya, 26 January 1926, 6). This association also focuses on
caring for orphans. These poor and sick people are also experiencing an
increase in patients. A total of 16,761 patients 1929 came to seek treatment at
the clinic, compared to the previous year, which had fewer numbers, namely
13,587 people. Doctor Soetomo is an important figure who plays a central role
in helping the native people, and HOS Cokroaminoto heavily influences his
Islamic ideology.
Evidence of concern for the
nation's fate is by voicing the people's voice through criticism in the seats
of the Volksraad board. However, this struggle was still underestimated, so he
felt he did not fit the position he occupied in the Volksraad. Soetomo finally
left and focused on helping the native people's struggle by forming groups he
created, such as the Indonesian Study Club (study group). The established study
group focuses on teaching and preparing leadership cadres so that in its
journey, this study defends the interests of the village and highlights
government policies that are indifferent to residents. An example is the need
for more allocation of funds provided by the government for improving
environmental conditions and the cleanliness of villages. In this regard, an
organized mass must respond to government policies to achieve common rights.
His concern in fighting for people's rights is not limited to his profession as
a doctor but as a social fighter who operates in the field.
The emergence of native doctors
in the colonial era was only recognized in the 20th century because of the
scarcity of European doctors who could not treat various diseases. Intensive
health services also began to be encouraged when the Health Service was formed,
whose members, besides doctors, were paramedics and midwives. These services
are realized in buildings such as health centres because hospitals are only one
place for health services. However, treatment centres, chemical investigation
centres and special treatment buildings are also used to eradicate infectious
diseases. For sufferers of the bubonic plague, the colonial government provided
isolation rooms. It gave them a special place to live to prevent further
transmission (Perwarta Surabaya, 2 February 1927). The following is a photo of
one of the special care centres in Surabaya, which can be seen in the image
below
Figure 3: Barracks in Pegirian
specifically used for quarantine.
Source: Faber, GH von. 1933. Nieuw Soerabaia: De
Geschiedenis van India's Eerste Koopstad in the Eerste Kwarteeuw Sedert hare
Instelling 1906-1931. Soerabaia: NV Boekhandel en Drukkerij H. van Ingen, p.
291.
Various infectious diseases
that spread in Surabaya finally knocked the colonial government's awareness to
immediately take action so that the growing scourge of disease did not infect
European citizens living in Surabaya. One aspect is campaigning for the
ideology of healthy living. The Europeans realized that the unhygienic
conditions in the Bumiputra settlements could harm their settlements, which
were in constant contact with the native people.
Colonial Government Policies and Organizational
Involvement in Voicing the Rights of Bumiputra Surabaya
This concern is manifested
through the construction of hospitals or clinics and by holding NV
Volkshuisvesting (people's housing) for the native people. Dr Soetomo was one
of the movers who urged the government to establish special public housing,
especially for natives whose homes were displaced by development. This housing
is aimed at low-income residents so that it can provide significant benefits for those who occupy it in the future. In realizing
this housing, Dr Soetopo, as the supervisory board, delivered a lecture about
the cleanliness of the village that must be maintained (De locomotive, 16
February 1927).������������
Soetomo, as a member of the
Volksraad (People's Council), had a high capability to voice the aspirations of
the people. He actively emphasized that Dutch East Indies doctors (native
Indonesians) played a central role in improving the physical strength of the
population to achieve greater welfare. The association of Dutch East Indies
doctors had a significant positive impact on changing the policies of the
colonial government, which often discriminated against the native population (Pols, 2018).
Another task was also carried out by Dr Soetomo in the organization of
the Sinoman Council (Sinoman Raad) in the 1920s by campaigning for a healthy
life by carrying out mass circumcision (to prevent disease). The activities
carried out by this social group carry an attitude of cooperation because the
initial formation came from the village community, the majority of whom live
with the same conditions and destiny. Sinoman then developed into a liaison between
the authorities and the native people in various political and religious
matters. These social groups' involvement eventually made the native people
dare to protest, as happened at the end of 1932 in Kampung Dinoyo. Kampung Dinoyo
is located in an urban area, so the government gradually clears this area of
native buildings. At that time, the central Surabaya area was full of various
industrial activities, so expansion was made for European housing developments
to the south. Village residents refused to be evicted, coupled with pressure
from the government, so residents stopped using village cemeteries and burying
bodies. This refusal was confirmed by the native people who asked for help from
the leadership of the PBI (formed from former members of the Indonesian Study
Group), so a special meeting was held with the Sinoman Council throughout the
city.
The meeting was also attended
by the Head of Sinoman from Kampung Keputran, namely Soewongso, who expressed
his objection to the Gemeente policy. The native people who live in Dinoyo are
reluctant to give up the village cemeteries that have existed for generations
and are considered holy and sacred at the same time. For them, all Surabaya
youths must be responsible for their ancestors and the Islamic religion. PBI
finally supported the people of Dinoyo Village to protest and suggested that
the community agree with the Gemeente (municipality). The upheaval did not go
smoothly; in fact, the gemeente gave strict sanctions in fines to people still
carrying out burials in the designated areas. Gradually, the people of Dinoyo
village half-heartedly gave up their burial land and the land rights involved
in it. The policies of this gemeente often have values from two different sides
in the eyes of society. For European citizens, this policy is beneficial
because development bureaus (bouwmaatschappij) can massively build real estate
in strategic areas such as Darmo, Gubeng, Ketabang and other areas. This is
different from the Bumiputra community, whose land must be taken over by the
government and purchased at a lower price. This old building was demolished and
then replaced with a European settlement, so the selling price was higher. As a
result, the native people who occupied the previous house could not buy it
back.
This policy, considered
discriminatory, had oppressed the native people so that social groups or the
private sector stepped in to help and became intermediaries in conveying the
people's aspirations to colonial officials. This is the same as what happened
in other cases, namely the colonial government's policy, which reaped the pros
and cons of dealing with waste. This method was pursued in two ways: making
thousands of trash cans and making a special rule called the filth law or trash
ordinance (Vuilnisverordening) in 1922. Every resident was required to dispose
of garbage in front of their respective homes, which the government had
provided. At the same time, the collection part was carried out by the local
cleaning staff (Von Faber 1936: 148, Howard Dick 2000: 173, Husain 2016: 347).
This statement later drew protests and was written in the Javasche Courant
newspaper regarding garbage disposal, which sparked anger among the native
people. The reason is that each house must have its trash can, and mixing human
waste into the tub is not permissible. For them, it is burdensome to separate
the dry (recyclable) waste from the wet (Javasche Courant, August 1922, No.
64).
Then at the end of the year,
Sarikat Islam issued a motion intended for Djikerman as the mayor of Surabaya.
This decision departs from the insistence of native people uncomfortable with
waste disposal regulations. In the end, a meeting between the Sarikat Islam was
held at the Royal Baliwerti Cinema Building, which was attended by 3,000 native
people, 30 of whom came from workers' associations and other groups from the
city of Surabaya (Gemeenteblad No. 225, 1923). In order to discipline all its
citizens, the government made a policy requiring the purchase of 60 dM trash
cans. For people who do not comply with these regulations, the consequence is
having to pay fines up to imprisonment (according to the level of mistakes
made). However, in practice, the policies issued when in the field differ from
the policies' contents. This control requires time and understanding of the
Bumiputra community at large.
The understanding conveyed was
like explaining science about the bad effects caused when human waste (faeces)
is disposed of carelessly, including carrying diseases. Through the
bacteriological paradigm, excrement must be avoided because it contains a
microbe or small organism, considered the initial factor for disease onset. It
is the same as blood, pus, and urine, which must be avoided because they can
make the body dirty and, from a medical perspective, can be the forerunner of
disease (Jaelani, 2017). Another solution the government takes to prevent
people from behaving in a dirty manner is to build special latrines or toilets
so that people do not dispose of faeces in trash cans.
Figure 4. Latrine construction in
Kali Mas Surabaya
Source:
https://www.maritiemdigitaal.nl/index.cfm?event=search.getdetail&id=120088472
accessed on 30 November 2020 at 10.15
The bathroom was established in
1924 by the Gemeente to prevent the disposal of faeces anywhere. For example,
by building toilets on the Gilis and providing public toilets and a place to
bathe in Mesigitplein. This effort was intended to prevent people from bathing
or defecating in the waterways along Westernbuitenweg (currently Jalan
Indrapura) (Pewarta Soerabaia, 30 July 192). Efforts to discipline the
community could have run smoothly due to a lack of awareness from the community
in protecting the surrounding environment. This habit can also be found when
residents urinate carelessly near the Kemayoran mosque, even though the
gemeente has provided public toilets. The problem is that they are reluctant to
spend a penny on urinating (Pewarta Soerabaia, 7 January 1928, Husain, 2016:
347). The construction of latrines and the construction of trash bins are small
examples of the colonial government's policies in preventing disease
transmission due to the bad habits of the Bumiputra people. The focus on
improving public health conditions is not limited to building clinics or
hospitals but on the community's healthy lifestyle that must be changed.
The colonial government's
policy in dealing with disease turned into a preventive measure: getting used
to people's lives being clean. As explained in the newspapers, Saturday night,
a public meeting was held after the 5th PKVI (work union affairs) congress.
During the meeting, several important discussions included highlighting hygiene
and public health matters. Doctor Tankau explained public hygiene by recalling
the advances of Roman civilization in the past. The Roman government succeeded
in establishing water reservoirs to provide clean water for city residents. For
cases in the Dutch East Indies, he thought that prevention was better than
cure, so he strongly supported the government's concern for health services
that had been established, such as DVG (Dienst der Volksgezondheid), CBZ
(Central et al.), and polyclinics. He proposed modern medicine, such as using
injections, which he considered useful for residents and supported various
pieces of training that had begun to be formed, such as in Purwokerto,
specifically for nurses and paramedics. Dr Rusli also gave many examples of
obligations taught by religion (Islam), one of which is maintaining proper cleanliness,
which can be adapted for the general public, especially Muslim natives
(Algemeene Handelsblad, 30 March 1937).
Education as an Effort to Raise Community Awareness and a
Tool for Habituating a Healthy Lifestyle
The progress of these
preventive measures was also supported by the fact that many natives continued
their studies at the STOVIA School tot Opleiding van Indische Arsten (the first
medical school in Batavia) and at NIAS Nederlandsch Indische Arsten (the second
medical school opened in Surabaya) so that they could assist the colonial
government in carrying out health sciences and hygiene practices. The education
provided by the colonial government raised awareness among intellectuals to
advance their nation, especially when this revival was represented through an
organizational movement that could organize more people (Effendi, 2012). Along
with the colonial government's need to fulfil the increasing number of medical
personnel, education was deliberately expanded to produce quality people from skilled
natives. In addition, their knowledge was also used because it facilitated the
work of the colonial government in "embracing" the population to
comply with government policies. The educated natives will later become agents
of reform and give birth to a new identity as modern aristocrats from among the
intellectuals. The doctors from Bumiputra who have been working in medical
science also work with the paramedics to campaign for a healthy life.
One of the reformers of modern
education outside of school institutions that has a strong influence in the
Dutch East Indies is Muhammadiyah. The organization initiated by Kyai Haji
Ahmad Dahlan spread its influence to Surabaya. It succeeded in establishing it
on Jalan Sawahan I (now in Kalimas gang III). This first Muhammadiyah school
was led by KH Mas Mansoer, whose goal was to strengthen people's belief in
Islam while at the same time realizing a truly Islamic society (Muhammad,
2015). Besides that, Muhammadiyah Surabaya is also developing itself by
establishing a General Welfare Assistance Council (PKU) as a Health Center in
Sidodadi by cooperating with dr. Soetomo. Eventually, a growing organization
has grown national awareness to move against the colony. Through education,
educated natives are given the right to gain knowledge to progress in thinking
and acting. Such a process has given birth to a new generation of intellectuals
from civilized Indigenous people who can muster greater strength to awaken
society.
The emergence of the educated
class and the aristocracy in the 20th century in the world of government
succeeded in moving other native-born organizations to grow. Another example is
Sarikat Islam which has a big role in advancing education. The proof is with
the inauguration of a special school for native women, namely the Kartini
school, which is the result of the struggle of Sarikat Islam. Wondosoedirdjo
chairs this school, and Ruslan Wongsokusumo is the secretary. At the beginning
of the establishment of this school, not many natives wanted to send their
daughters to school because they still adhered to their conservative
principles. Their parents believe that a woman has to be a homemaker and does
not need to be taught to write or read. However, thanks to the persistence and
proselytizing of the figures who moved to advance the nation, in 1918 the
Kartini school was given a legal entity and subsidized by the government. In
addition, the Kartini school also experienced an increase in status from
previously being equivalent to a second-grade school (Hongkong loro) and then
becoming equivalent to a Dutch school (Holland Inlandsche school) for natives
(Faber, 1936, p. 47). Establishing schools is important in conveying
educational and religious values so that society becomes civilized and, at the
same time, knows how to live a healthy life. Policy paths taken through
education and habituation in schools so that people behave healthily and
protect the environment are classified as effective.
Political turmoil continues to
occur between the community and the government, so the number of organizations
formed by the Bumiputra community, such as Poesoera, continues to increase.
This organization was initiated by respectable founders from different
backgrounds, ranging from doctors, political elites, and religious leaders to
religious scholars. These figures include dr. Soetomo, dr. Yahya, dr. Soewandi,
KH Mas Mansur, H. Nawawi Amin. One of Poesoera's tasks is to engage in
education so that it holds important control in educating the native people and
becomes an exemplary example for the people (Sartika, 2018, p. 27).
On another issue, the Oetoesan
Indies from 10 to 12 February 1919 included the news that Sarikat Islam was
considering the dualistic government that was still running. The government is
under different auspices, namely Europe and the natives. Therefore there is a
special division between natives and Europeans. Part of village power should
consist of village services, position maintenance, market system, religious
care services, cleaning in villages and slaughterhouses, as well as other
household affairs related to the village (Het nieuws van den dag voor
Nederlandsch-Indi�, 25 February 1919).
In monitoring environmental
cleanliness, the colonial government had established law enforcement agencies,
such as police ranks, in the main cities of the Dutch East Indies, including
Surabaya. This arrangement operated from the 1920s to the 1930s. The tasks
include maintaining cleanliness and controlling the community (Kees Van Dijk,
2011). 1930 was a dark period for the community because Surabaya experienced a
significant escalation of disease compared to previous years. The government
then resumed the village cleaning program. (De Indische Courant, December 31,
1930).
The large number of lower-class
people who were dominated by native Chinese besides Chinese also liked to
litter, and this became an important issue for colonial officials. As reported
in the Pewarta Soerabaia newspaper under the heading "Brandgangen",
explained that residents who live in the Bubutan area are known to defecate and
urinate in trash cans. They do this with the excuse of saving expenses because
they do not have to pay for public toilets or latrines. The colonial government
tried to overcome the activities of residents who littered, one of which was by
closing the gutters (gutters) so that the water flow would be smooth and not
clogged with garbage and sewage (Pewarta Soerabaia, 7 January 1928). Disposing
of this waste was still carried out a decade later, as the Pewarta Soerabaia
newspaper reported on 21 July 1939. Residents carried it out in the Pegirian
River.
"People can self-test
where the base and edges of the jang soed are plastered, and the slanted edges
are hard; it is good that there are pictures of work-look like the marks of jet
Koening; if it is bare dirt, it is thrown on the site, but it might take a long
time to become an item. If you later deal with it like that, of course, it is
stucco; it will not be stucco anymore. It is just layered stucco...stained with
fading like auto-military cars, only covered with thick dirt."
The river in Surabaya is one of
the main supports in meeting the population's needs because water is used as a
source for drinking and bathing, washing clothes and defecating. For those who
live on the banks of the river, disposing of the waste does not cause problems
in their lives because the water flow can carry away the waste. The community
needs to fully carry out such incidents because other residents still demand
that the gemeente be responsible for the area they lead. The evidence is also
listed in the newspapers as stated below:
"But it magnesian
excrement that landed on Soesoen on the Soengei walls, until some of the dry
ones were covered in wet and of all colours, their book was not even covered,
but everyone from Djaoeh Soeda could see, and even the people who had toetoe
Kakaea had to see their eyes because their bodies were there very simple.
Do not say in a crowded center,
where there are pendoedoek, famous people and pants; let us say in Soenji's
place; after all, you cannot just keep quiet. We want to see if Gemeente can do
this and let us make this dish. If you are still strong, we have no objection
to making vegrooting from this photo (Pewarta Soerabaia, 4 August 1939).
This upheaval continued to occur because the community considered
that most of the colonial government's policies in the health sector were still
"children" of the lower-class native people. The lack of education
instilled in the lifestyle of the native people made their existence less
meaningful to the colonial government. This happens because not all people have
the power to influence other citizens. Therefore, it is necessary to act as a
motivator from respected people such as Priya, intellectuals who can be
respected and have the charisma to make a positive impact, especially on health
issues.
Health
education was finally rolled out when the DVG (Dienst der Volksgezondheid) was
formed and continued by each division under it. The mention of services in
Surabaya is the Local Health Service. These scholars who have received higher
education not only concentrate on the treatment of diseases in general but
teach simple things to people. These include boiling water before drinking,
sweeping the yard, washing fruits and vegetables with clean water before
cooking and defecating in the toilet. The role of the paramedics and doctors is
important in influencing the native family group because the approach is
adapted to religious beliefs, circumstances, and attitudes in building people's
sensitivity to health, disease and the body. Home visits are also carried out
to ensure that the hygiene principles practised by the community are running
properly. Besides that, native doctors like Soetomo also teach hygiene
principles to school teachers and incorporate them into school teachings .The struggle to implement a
clean life according to the principles of hygiene then continued when Japan
entered the Dutch East Indies and controlled the city of Surabaya. Japan
cooperates with scholars and figures such as doctors to influence the native
people.
CONCLUSION
The movement led by
intellectuals in Surabaya gathered the masses to fight against injustice from
the colonial government's policies, especially regarding economic and social
disparities between the native people and European citizens. The mass movements
and private organizations that were formed succeeded in influencing the
colonial government's policy to give more treatment to the native people,
especially in health and the environment. Figures like dr. Soetomo and
organizations such as Muhammadiyah and Sarikat Islam had important roles in
this movement. However, this movement continued and shifted after the entry of
Japan by forming Islamic organizations as a forum for introducing Japanese
ideas and ideals and gaining support from the community.
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