THE COVID-19 HOAX AS
AN ISLAMIC IDENTITY POLITICAL MOVEMENT: FRAMING ANALYSIS
Ari sulistyanto1,
Saeful Mujab2
Department
Communication Faculty, University Of Bhayangkara Jakarta, Indonesia1,2
[email protected]1, [email protected]2
Received:
18-05-2022�������������������� ��������������� Accepted: 02-06-2022���������������������� ��������������� Published: 16-06-2022������
ABSTRACT
The
spread of hoaxes is associated with individuals or groups who secretly plan to
achieve certain goals. The spread of hoaxes in the midst of the COVID-19
pandemic becomes interesting when hoaxes become a medium for carrying out
political movements. The purpose of this study is to uncover hoaxes as an
Islamic identity political movement as a means of raising opinions and support.
Framing analysis is an approach to analyze hoaxes as a political movement. The
results of the study found that China was described as a source of problems
from the cause of Covid-19, carrying out Islamic law as an antidote in
overcoming Covid-19. This research has implications for mapping the identity
politics movement through hoaxes.
Keyword: Hoax,
Framing, Political Movement, Identity, Covid-19.
Corresponding Author: Ari sulistyanto
E-mail: [email protected]
INTRODUCTION
The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in early 2020 in Indonesia contributed to spreading
information that was categorized as a hoax on social media. Based on the
records of the Ministry of Information, there are 785 hoax news on Facebook, 10
news on Instagram, 6 cases on Youtube, and 324 on Twitter (Aziz, 2020). This hoax issue is encountered in
various cases. For example, hoaxes about the scenario of the economic crisis in
Indonesia, information on drugs to prevent the corona virus, about how to
prevent the corona virus, how to transmit the corona virus, about several heads
of state/citizens who repented due to this virus, even for free. Internet
packages. Interestingly, based on the examination carried out by the Police of
the perpetrators of hoaxes, they explained several of the motives of the
perpetrators, among others, for fun and dissatisfaction with the government (Halim, 2020).
In the digital era, hoaxes have become part
of the political game, by manipulating information with the aim of attacking
individuals or institutions (Yusuf, 2019). Another characteristic is supported by
the habits of the Indonesian people who are not used to recording and storing
data, so they often talk without data. (Miftah, 2019) On the other hand, Indonesians prefer to
discuss aspects related to violence, sensuality, drama, intrigue, and mysteries
that often color political activity, so it is not surprising that hoaxes often
occur on political themes (Mulyana, 2017). In Indonesia, identity politics is more
related to issues of ethnicity, religion, ideology, and local interests which
are generally represented by the elite with their respective articulations, and
what stands out is the use of Islam as a "cloak" to highlight
identity politics (A.S. Maarif, 2012) Identity politics is the participation of
several individuals in politics by using the label or name of a particular
social group. In practice, identity politics is a commodification of the
periphery, in the midst of an established plurality order.
In Indonesia, religion has many identities
that it represents, ranging from personal identity, ethnic identity, political
identity, and national identity (Colbran, 2010). The real form and practice of starting
the commodification of religion-based identity politics was during the election
for the Governor of DKI Jakarta. However, after the election of the regional
head of DKI Jakarta, "identity politics" did not subside, instead it
continued to spread and spread, starting from the criminalization of kiai with
racial differences, economic inequality, the change of president, and even
expanded with the issue of changing the state administration system by
emphasizing the concept of "caliphate". In its movement, identity
politics was institutionalized by forming the 212 Alumni Association (PA 212)
with the label Defending Islam Action with mass mobilization of action. The
political configuration with an emphasis on identity politics has given rise to
a political dichotomy in the form of binary opposition, such as "God's
party with Satan's party". Allah's Party is a coalition of Islamic groups
opposing the satanic party that is said to be a supporter of the ruling
government. Other forms, such as the "Axis of Medina (Islamic coalition)
with the axis of Beijing (coalition of government). Even using animal names,
Islamic groups have labeled the ruling coalition supporting the government as
"tadpoles", which are described as stupid animals. In contrast, the
government coalition calls the groups Islam "Kampret" as a nocturnal
animal known to steal.
In the literature review, not many studies
have addressed the relationship between identity politics and social movements.
Generally, the themes presented are conceptual in nature, rarely discussing
those based on field research. Research that explains the relationship between
identity politics and social movements, such as collective identities united by
the same feelings, values, and views will be able to form social movements (Fominaya, 2010). (Diani, 2017) writing which discusses the role of
networks in social movements. This is a little closer to the theme of this
research, as was done by W. Bennet who researched the actions of social
movements mediated by digital media networks (Bennett, 2012).
Research on social media and moral
movements raises cases of KPK supporters who carried out moral movements by
protesting the handling of corruption by the police (Sulistyanto, 2017). In a conceptual understanding, identity
politics is the political mobilization of a group to achieve recognition and
reparation for historical oppression by affirming group identity (Jungherr, 2016). Identity politics is the
self-affirmation of a group that distinguishes it from other groups, with the
aim of gaining recognition or power. There are several studies that focus on
the identity politics movement carried out by transnational Islamic groups. For
example, identity politics is a radical movement dressed in Islam (A.S. Maarif, 2012). Another study sees identity politics as
an effort to restore identity and social movements to distinguish multiple
identities. Action 212 and reunion 212 as a phenomenon of labeling Indonesian
identity politics that continues to roll is not static and takes on a role in
Indonesian political governance (Susilowati et al., 2019). Likewise, mass mobilization in the 412
and 212 actions and the 212 reunion, is a religious capitalization that
emphasizes religious identity, which is referred to as post-truth political
reality. By using ethnic and religious sentiments, this movement politicizes
religion based on populist discourse with the argument of distorted information
to revive religious legitimacy in the context of political interests (Kurniawan, 2020).
Research on the spread of hoaxes as an
Islamic identity political movement in Indonesia has not been widely carried
out. The political movement requires consistency in mobilizing to be able to
realize its goals with various movement methods. The spread of hoaxes is one
way of the movement to gather opinion and support. Therefore, this study aims
to reveal how communication in the form of hoaxes is carried out to realize the
goals and how the dynamics of communication spread of hoaxes during the covid
pandemic. Through this research, it can be seen that hoax communication is a
political movement carried out as an identity politics movement. With the
framing carried out in the spread of hoaxes, on the one hand, the advantages
and themes of Covid hoaxes can be known, so that the direction of political
ideas developed in the spread of Covid 19 hoaxes can be known during the
pandemic. On the other hand, there is a strong communication effect from
framing the spread of the Covid 19 hoax. In this case, the public will mark the
framing of hoax information on social media. Thus, the response or acceptance
of the community to the spread of the hoax can be known. Therefore, it is
important to know the framing that is highlighted in the spread of hoaxes about
Covid 19 on social media and its impact on society. By using the framing
theory, this study aims to determine the framing of the covid 19 hoax on social
media as an Islamic identity political movement. This will contribute to the
mapping of radical Islamic political movements in Indonesia.
METHOD
Framing analysis is used as a method to understand hoaxes as a political
movement. Framing theory, Benhard Snow & Snow focuses on how social
movements construct, articulate, and disseminate their messages to recruit
members and mobilize support (Woods, 2011). Framing has been defined as 'a conscious
strategic effort by a group of people to form a shared (Diani, 2017) understanding of the world and themselves
that legitimizes and motivates collective action' (Ard�vol-Abreu, 2015) Processed. (Sotirovic, 2000) This is a kind of limitation that
understands hoaxes as a political movement that regulates perceptions about
social or political life. Frames identify targets for error, offer a desired
vision of the world, and provide reasons to motivate collective action (Schultz, 2012).
Framing has been defined as 'a conscious strategic effort by a group of
people to form a shared understanding of the world and themselves that
legitimizes and motivates collective action' (Snow et al., 2019). Frames are interpretive schemas in which
information is discovered and processed (Snow et al., 2018). This is a kind of template or filter that
understands hoaxes as a political movement that regulates perceptions about
social or political life. The frame identifies the target of error, offers a
desired vision of the world, and provides reasons to motivate collective action
(Vanhala, 2016). Therefore, there are three distinct
categories of the framing process: diagnostic framing that focuses on problem
definition; prognostic framing that offers the desired solution; and a
motivational framework that encourages potential participants to join SMO (Gromov, 2015).
The frame of a movement can be a reflection of a collective identity, or it
can help create a new identity. According to Roberta Garner, 'movement
leadership frames discourse in such a way as to create an identity that will
encourage individuals to support the movement and unite disparate support bases
(Dalby, 2016). Frames give new meaning to people's lives.
More importantly, successful frames encourage solidarity and turn potential
mobilizations into actual mobilizations. Prognostic framing describes how the
problems identified in the diagnostic framework should be solved. The unknown
outcomes and costs associated with collective action can be overcome only if
actors are convinced (intuitively even before rationally) about the opportunity
to mobilize and about the practicality and legitimacy of the action (Tversky, 2019). Although prognostic frameworks aim to offer
a desired solution, they rarely offer a concrete plan. On the other hand, such
a frame provides a utopian vision for society in a much better future.
Therefore, there are three distinct categories of the framing process:
diagnostic framing that focuses on problem definition; prognostic framing that
offers the desired solution; and motivational frameworks that encourage
potential participants to join social movements (Snow and Benford, 1988). The
frame of a movement can be a reflection of a collective identity, or it can
help create a new identity. According to Roberta Garner, 'movement leadership
frames discourse in such a way as to create an identity that will encourage
individuals to support the movement and unite disparate support bases (Snow et al., 2018). Frames give new meaning to people's lives.
More importantly, successful frames encourage solidarity and turn potential
mobilizations into actual mobilizations.
To find out the theme in the framing, go through the N Vivo 12 plus device.
There are 200 words ranked as the basis for coding. The coding uses the
principle of the grounded theory method and is carried out in three coding
stages, namely open, axial and selective coding. (Vollstedt & Rezat, 2019) Open coding causes axial data coding which
rearranges the data in a new way by making connections between categories.
Selective coding is also applied by integrating various axial categories,
namely between themes with different concepts compared to the existing literature.
Framing analysis is used as a method to understand hoaxes as a political
movement. Framing theory, Benhard Snow & Snow focuses on how social
movements construct, articulate, and disseminate their messages to recruit
members and mobilize support (Woods, 2011).
RESULTS AND
DISCUSSION
The role of social media is increasingly
important for political and social activities in Mexico, especially Twitter has
played an important role in influencing government decision-making and shaping
the relationship between government, citizens, politicians and others (Sandoval-Almazan & Gil-Garcia,
2013). Hoaxes on social media can activate public
trust (Park, 2019). The COVID-19 pandemic has become the arena
of the Islamic identity politics movement through hoaxes.
This article places more emphasis on framing
analysis to understand how Islamic identity as a political movement
communicates its goals and how Islamic identity is used as a medium to mobilize
opinion and support for constituents and the wider audience. Since the first
time the Covid virus attacked Wuhan, China, from a crisis communication
perspective, it was the beginning to detect a crisis. Identifying potential
crisis threats is part of the pre-crisis phase (Adkins, 2010). The Indonesian government itself has not
yet established an emergency response in dealing with the spread of the covid
19 virus. However, on social media, various hoaxes regarding covid 19 have been
spread, with various false and manipulative claims. There are various themes
that emerge, one of which is strengthening Islamic identity.
An analytical framework to view this
strengthening as a political movement, framing theory is used to understand how
Islamic identity as a political movement communicates its goals and how Islamic
identity mobilizes opinion and support for its constituents and the wider
audience. Diagnostic framing identifies some event or condition as problematic
and in need of remediation, and thus pinpoints the culpable agent (Castillo-Manzano, 2013). As a result, he discovers what went wrong
and why. Diagnostic framing usually involves constructing a frame of injustice,
which is based on 'an interpretation of what happened that supports the
conclusion that the system of authority violates the shared moral principles of
the participants'.
In the pre-crisis period, the diagnostic
framework for strengthening Islamic identity defined the Covid outbreak as
predicted in the Qur'an, namely Iqra. They claim that Indonesian Kyai and Ulama
have predicted the Covid outbreak because of the word "QO-RONA",
because the Book of Iqra already mentions it. In addition, Chinese foreigners
are considered guilty agents because they are carriers of the Covid virus, so
they must be shunned. In this diagnostic frame, placing the Qur'an as a source
of knowledge, while Chinese foreigners are the cause of the problem.
The prognostic framework describes how the
problems identified in the diagnostic framework should be solved. In this
frame, placing the Shari'a or procedures in Islam is a source to overcome the
Covid 19 outbreak. For example, ablution can eliminate Covid. On the other
hand, placing China as an object that follows Islamic procedures. Various hoax
claims that describe China as a communist country that does not know God, have
turned to a belief system taught by Islam. Hoax claims, such as, �Afraid of
Corona, Chinese Residents Scramble for Al-Qur'an to be Learned�, �Mosques in
China Re-opened After China Was Hit by Corona Virus�, Chinese President
Announces Corona Virus Has Become an Epidemic and Asks Muslims to Pray, Wudhu
Can Destroy the Corona Virus", "Chinese non-Muslims join in prayer
for fear of contracting the Corona Virus", "Chinese people are busy
saying the creed to avoid Corona Virus", Xi Jinping asked Muslims to pray
for China because of the corona virus."
While diagnostic and prognostic frameworks
play an important role in mobilizing support, they are not sufficient to
encourage people to take action. Indeed, Bert Klandermans argues that
identifying problems and offering solutions achieves consensus mobilization,
i.e. mobilization of support for social movement goals (Van Dyke & Taylor, 2019). But consensus mobilization does not
automatically lead to action mobilization. Motivational framing aims to
encourage participation and generate the necessary incentives for action. Thus,
potential proponents of collective action should anticipate that their
involvement and association with social movements will help resolve problems.
When motivational frameworks are widely
shared, opportunities for collective action increase substantially. To spread
collective action, hoax claims that emerged were the covid virus which was
intended to kill Uighurs, but leaked in Wuhan, China. The Uyghurs come from the
descendants of the Turkestan clan who have long inhabited Central Asia and West
Asia. As a minority in the northwestern region of the People's Republic of
China, the existence of this tribe often gets negative stigma from the state.
They are often labeled as a separatist group. The atmosphere became
increasingly cloudy after massive demonstrations in 2009 that led to riots
between the Uighur and Han ethnic groups in the province of Xinjiang. Over the
next four decades, the strong control of Communist Party authorities in
Xinjiang has minimized the potential for ethnic separatism in the region. But
for most ethnic Uighurs, the hope and sentiment of having a state of their own
has not completely faded.
The crisis response phase began when
President Joko Widodo announced the formation of the Covid 19 Task Force (Kompas, 2020). This policy is a response to the findings
of 2 confirmed Covid-19 people, as well as criticism from a number of groups
who say the Indonesian government is slow in dealing with Covid (Ihsanuddin, 2020). Since the first case was announced,
Indonesia has taken various policy steps to address it. One of them is PSBB
(Large-Scale Social Restrictions) and PPKM (Enforcement of Restrictions on
Community Activities). As a result, various activities were restricted, and
public facilities, including mosques and other places of worship, were closed
to avoid crowds. With these restrictions, Hoaks stood out when criticizing the
congregational prayer policy by implementing social distancing.
Hoax blames government policies as satanic.
The hoax narrative is written "Not because of the corona covid-19 outbreak
you are being played by the devil, you are deceived, with the corona virus.
This is one of the most cruel slanders of the Dajjal at the end of time."
This hoax narration gives the meaning of conspiracy related to the emergence of
the covid outbreak called the devil-dajjal (Indozone, 2021). On the other hand, China is associated with
the cause of the Covid pandemic. Hoax claims, such as Covid made in a Chinese
military laboratory, frightened Chinese virologists who fled to the United
States for fear of being killed for acknowledging Covid as an evil conspiracy.
The covid virus as a conspiracy by citing Chinese virologists who fled to the
United States out of fear. Likewise, goods -goods such as clothing or
electronics originating from China have been exposed and become the cause of
Covid transmission. In the crisis response phase, due to restrictions on
mobilization both domestically and the entry of foreign nationals into
Indonesia. Hoaxes spread on social media regarding the arrival of foreign
workers can be seen in several airports in Indonesia. The entry of foreign
workers from China during the Covid pandemic has indeed drawn controversy .
Deputy Chairperson of the Indonesian People's Consultative Assembly, Jazilul
Fawaid, asked the government to be firm in making policies. This, he said, was
in response to the issue of the entry of Foreign Workers (TKA) from China in
the midst of the Emergency Enforcement of Community Activity Restrictions
(PPKM).
The indication is the release of dozens of
foreign workers from China who entered Indonesia during Emergency PPKM (Indozone, 2020). Likewise, PKS through the Chairperson of
the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) DPP Mardani Ali Sera encouraged the
government to be transparently open regarding the arrival of foreign nationals
(WNA) to Indonesia in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic situation (Indozone, 2020). In this hoax, posts were spread about the
arrival of Chinese foreign workers who entered Kasi Village, South Halmahera,
Maluku using private boats. The post in the form of a video uploaded on social
media Youtube related to the arrival of Chinese foreign workers at Soekarno
Hatta Airport, followed by the narration, "The Facts of Dozens of Chinese
Foreign Workers Entering Two Airports in Indonesia are Terrible". Another
hoax narrative "What's up with the Indonesian people in a locked
state." The hoax narrative wants to convey the message that it is
necessary to be vigilant against the arrival of foreign workers from China.
Because in another hoax post, it is described that Chinese foreign workers are
disguised by the Chinese Army who wants to control Indonesia.
Emphasis on
Islamic identity, criminalization of ulama, China as aggressor, and criticism
of President Jokowi's government. In the crisis response, the display of
Islamic identity can be seen in various posts with keywords, such as
"prostrate, recite the Koran, convert to Islam to avoid Covid. By
referring to countries known as secular countries, such as Italy, New Zealand,
and China, which are considered atheist communist countries, they have changed
their beliefs to become Muslims.
The protrusion of identity is also seen in
the post, Covid is hindering the rise of Islam. The full narration was uploaded
on Facebook, "The Enormity of Corona's Slander". Covid-19 is just
slander that is used to hinder the rise of Muslims." The theme of the hoax
is about the marginalization of scholars, several hoax posts with narratives,
such as the subtle kidnapping of clerics by giving positive verdicts for Covid
or rapid test equipment used to kill an ustadz. During the crisis response
period, the government's policy to carry out tracing using rapid tests is to
control the rate of Covid transmission. The dominant discourse on the COVID-19
vaccine policy, in the identity politics movement through hoaxes, is suspected
to have ideological interests, such as the vaccine business or vaccine monopoly
originating from one country. countries, so that the term �hammer and sickle
vaccine� appears. On the other hand, some deconstructions are manipulative,
such as the term �vaccine drama�.
CONCLUSION
Based on the results of the study,
it can be concluded that hoaxes are an Islamic identity political movement with
various manipulative hoax narratives that frame covid as an evil fabrication of
conspiracy results. There are some limitations to this research. The ability to
generalize the results to a wider population is limited due to the exploratory
nature of the study. However, the main objective of this research is to obtain
an overview of the critical narrative themes of opinion leaders regarding
government policies regarding the Covid-19 vaccine which are rich in textual
understanding rather than obtaining statistical insight on a number of
variables. Therefore, for further research, more quantitative
studies are proposed to validate these findings in order to draw conclusions
for the wider community.
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